The 2023 military coup d’état marked a historicturning point in Gabon’s political history, bringing not only a change of power but also the end of the Bongo dynasty, which had ruled the country for more than half a century. The intervention, led by Brice Oligui Nguema, commander of the Republican Guard, was seen as both the result of internal power conflicts and a reflection of widespread public discontent with authoritarian rule. Following a two-year transitional period, the 2025 presidential election represented a significant step toward a return to civilian governance. However, the electoral process raised serious concerns about democratic norms due to personal power strategies reinforced by constitutional arrangements and limited space for opposition. Nguema’s landslide victory marked the emergence of new era of institutionalized authoritarian tendencies rather than a renewed hope for democratization. The main issue facing Gabon in this new era is how to break free from the cycle of corruption, economic fragility and social inequality that persists despite the country’s rich natural resources.
2023 military coup and the Nguema era
In 2023, Nguema, who led the coup, was the commander of the Republican Guard and a cousin of then-Gabonese President Ali Bongo. Since he maintained close ties with the Bongo family and at one point related to the family, it was a matter of curiosity why Nguema staged a coup. Rumors about Nguema’s strained relationship with members of the Bongo family began circulating before the coup. Accordingly, reports suggested growing tensions, particularly with with Bongo’s wife, Sylvia, and son, Noureddin. Sources close to the family told Le Monde that Nguema has been in conflict with Sylvia, who is quite influential, andNoureddin, who increased his power after his father suffered a stroke in 2018. Therefore, it is possible that this internal power strugglemay have played a role in triggering the coup. However, beyond this, the impact of the people’s discontent with the Bongo administration, which has been in power for many years, on the coup should not be ignored. Indeed, Nguema attemptedto present himself as a profile willing to change the existing problems by taking the public discontent againstBongo’s government and the Bongo family, which had ruled Gabon for 56 years.
After the August 2023 coup, Nguema quickly implemented new laws and policies but did not diverge significantly from the practices of his predecessors.Declaring himself transitional president in September 2023, he appointed loyalists to two-thirds of the Senate and the National Assembly, appointed all 9 members of the Constitutional Court, and spearheaded a national dialogue process in 2024 in which 200 political parties were banned and the military played an increasing role. This process paved the way for members of the military to run for political office. Not content with this, Nguema abolished the position of prime minister, extended the presidential term to seven years, and abolished the two-round electoral system, thereby lowering the threshold of popular support required. He removed election supervision from the Electoral Commission and assigned it to the Ministry of Interior, and introduced strict electoral laws to limit presidential candidacies of potential candidates.
2025 election
On April 12, Gabonese people went to the polls to elect a president for a new term, casting ballots both within the country and at Gabon’s diplomatic missions abroad. The official campaign period ran from March 29 to April 11. The election results were announced on Friday, April 25, by the Transitional Constitutional Court, which declared Nguema the winner by a wide margin over his rivals.
According to Gabon’s official news channel, Gabon24, the Constitutional Court approved the candidacies of eight political figures for the 2025 presidential election. The Commission for the Organization and Coordination of National Elections and Referendums (CNOCER) initially selected four candidates on March 9, with four more added later. On April 12, the eight approved candidates running in the presidential election were Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, Alain-Claude Bilie-By-Nze, Stéphane Germain Iloko Boussengui, Joseph Lapensée Essingone, Thierry Yvon Michel Ngoma, Axel Stophène Ibinga Ibinga, Alain Simplice Boungoueres, and and Zenaba Gninga Chaning—the only woman in the race. Although 22 opposition leaders announced their candidacies for the election, all but these eight were rejected for various reasons. For example, Albert Ossa and Pierre Moussavou, two of the country’s most prominent opposition leaders, were barred from running due to a new electoral law that sets an upper age limit of 70.
The April 12 election recorded a turnout of 70.11%, with 642,632 of the 916,625 registered voters casting their ballots in a country with a population of 2,595,000. After counting the ballots, 22,632 votes were declared blank or invalid and 620,000 valid votes were recorded.
According to the election results, Nguema received 588,074 votes (94.85%) and was elected as the new president of Gabon. Nguema was followed by Bilie-By-Nze with 19,265 votes (3.11%). Essingone with 3,744 votes (0.60%), Zenaba with 2,419 votes (0.39%), Boungueres with 2.99 votes (0.37%), Boussengui with 2.214 votes (0.36%), Ibinga Ibinga with 1,384 votes (0.28%) and finally Ngoma with 601 votes (0.10%). Nguema won the elections by a landslide and officially began his new term on May 3.
The long years of Bongo’s rule ended with a military coup. After a two-year transition period, presidential elections were held, and Nguema took office as the fourth president of the country. Although the relatively short duration of the transition—compared to other coup-led governments on the continent—and the swift return to civilian rule appeared to paint a positive picture, presidential candidate Bilie-By-Nze voiced strong criticism ahead of the vote. According to an April 9 news report, Billie-By-Nze claimed election were neither fair nortransparent, and and that the process was designed to be tightly controlled. He said the Ministry of Interior and various electoral commissions were filled with individuals close to Nguema, and that Nguema used state resources throughout the campaign, while no public funding was made available to opposition candidates.
During the 2-year transition period, Nguema laid the groundwork for his presidency through a series of constitutional amendments that undermined public confidence in the electoral process.Moreover, opposition leaders’ criticisms of the election indicate that there was not a fair election campaign process. Despite these concerns, Nguema was elected as Gabon’s new president. Having made numerous promises to the public during the campaign, he is now expected to deliver on them in his new term.Gabon, an oil-rich country in Central Africa, continues to face deep-rooted social and economic challenges.Youth unemployment stood at 20.% as of December 2024 data and corruption cause social discontent. Despite its rich oil resources, one third of the country’s population lives on less than $6.85 per day (according to 2017 purchasing power parity). Apart from economic hardships, inadequate infrastructure, widespread poverty, financial crisis and lack of diversification of economic resources are among the most fundamental problems in Gabon.
Nguema, who campaigned on promises to address these issues and build a “different Gabon,” is now under pressure to fulfill those commitments. While the country is rich in natural resources, questions remain about how those resources will be managed, which sectors will receive investment, and whether transparency and accountability will be upheld.
As a result, Gabon is a typical example of the “resource curse,” phenomenon, where natural resources exacerbate structural problems instead of supporting economic development. To break free from this vicious circle, the country must build strong, accountable institutions, ensure transparency in governance, effectively combat corruption, and diversify its economy beyond reliance on natural resources. Only by implementing these reforms can Gabon develop an inclusive and sustainable model that meets the expectations of its people.
